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Institutionalizing "Holy Madness"
In attempting to explain Gold's peculiar brand of charisma in sociological
terms, the most relevant framework (aside from Weber's familiar observations
(1946) on "ethical" versus "exemplary" prophets),
is found in Georg Feuerstein's recent book, Holy Madness. Feuerstein
(1991) embarks on perhaps the first systematic study of spiritual masters
whose teaching methods involve pranks, ordeals of terror and ritual obscenity.
He finds in the lives of these "crazy wisdom" gurus authentic
"relics of an archaic spirituality," and explains their controversial
tactics as techniques designed to shock their disciples out of preconditioned
responses and social conditioning. Gold himself acknowledges his affiliation
with this particular sadhana, for he refers to his spiritual movement
as "the heartless school of E.J. Gold," and his sudden outbursts
of temper and off-colour jokes are explained as "the way of malamah,"
or "the sufi way of blame." The absurd and outrageous ordeals
which students undergo are spiritually validated by core group leaders
as "the quick way of head bashing and ego-squashing" (Gold,
1977). Many more colorful examples of "holy madness" might be
found among the founders of new religious movements, but the career of
Gold appears to be a particularly interesting case, because his organization
is the only example (to my knowledge) which clearly reflects and closely
embodies the "crazy wisdom" pedagogy. Gold has apparently succeeded
in institutionalizing the "holy madness" type of charisma which,
more than any other type, is intrinsically opposed to, and resistant toward,
the process of institutionalization and routinization (Weber, 1946; Feuerstein,
1991).
The purpose of this study is to unravel this enigma and to attempt to
explain the modus operandi of Gold's personal and institutionalized
charisma in sociological terms. In order to do so, the IDHHB's social
organization will be analyzed within the framework of Roy Wallis' cult/sect
typology (1975). After demonstrating the ways in which Gold's movement
resembles the cult type of NRM (New Religious Movement) and yet,
paradoxically, also resembles the sect, it will be argued that
the unique syncretism of the two different types found in this NRM appears
to serve two functions:
Marketing Charisma
First, the short-lived "cults" are effective as a marketing
strategy. The eclectic and ephemeral nature of the "school game"
extends the IDHHB's outreach into the California "spiritual supermarket"
(Greenfield, 1973) attracting a wider range of inhabitants of the "cultic
milieu" (Campbell, 1972) than might be drawn to a narrower religious
tradition.
Second, for the inner circle of disciples, the intensity of Gold's ordeals,
unpredictable pranks and harsh disciplinary tactics provide the necessary
conditions in which to cultivate a personal sense of charisma. At this
level the IDHHB offers the satisfying commitment, doctrinal certainty
and elite community of a sect. The peculiar features of Gold's
organization—its inefficient recruitment techniques, its ephemeral
institutions, its massive drop-out rate begin to "make sense"
if we interpret the IDHHB as an experimental teachers training college
where "crazy wise" adepts may test their own leadership
skills.
Very few studies of the charisma of new religious founders have, in their
use of Weber's well-known model (1946), allowed room for the possibility
that the leader might actually be genuinely interested in sharing his/her
knowledge and authority with the disciples, or in encouraging followers
to graduate as spiritual masters in their own right. Stone (1982), for
example, creates the amusing term, "pseudo charismatic redistribution"
to explain one of Werner Erhard's craftier charisma-building processes:
"[Werner] attributes extraordinary powers to others, who in turn
attribute even greater charisma to him. The effect was one of reciprocal
reinforcement." Wallis (1982) analyzes the wildly erratic behavior
of Moses David as "resistance"—a deliberate strategy to
destabilize the Children of God movement, so as to undermine the institution-building
efforts of COG local leaders and keep his own charisma untrammeled. Both
accounts imply that successful leaders must, of necessity, selfishly hoard
their store of charisma, and if their disciples persist in developing
viable charismatic careers of their own, these must be truncated or aborted.
In Gold's case, however, the evidence suggests that here is at least one
example of a spiritual leader who, in his "holy madness," has
set out to create a viable "master class" for younger, budding
"crazy wise" adepts. Some of these have graduated and moved
on to found their own "crazy wisdom" schools, and many have
remained on good terms with their former teacher, even collaborating occasionally
in his latest projects.
While an academic paper is not the appropriate place to address the complex
issue of the authenticity of a spiritual leader's particular sadhana,
or to join in the debate concerning ethical questions raised by the controversial
methods of "crazy wisdom," the author hopes that, through a
phenomenological study of the IDHHB's history, sociological and perhaps
aesthetic insights might be gained into the charm Gold's teaching holds
for his disciple students, and into the peculiar niche his movement
has carved out in the Californian "cultic milieu" (Campbell,
1972).
Methodology
 The process of data collection was mainly confined
to two participant observer periods. Initially, the group was investigated
as part of an ongoing research project on new religious movements in Montreal
at Concordia University (1973–1978), directed by Dr. Frederick Bird.
Between April and December of 1973 this researcher enrolled as a student
in one of Gold's groups, which bore the unlikely name of Shakti! the
Spiritual Science of DNA. This involved regular attendance at the
Wednesday evening "White Room Training" and spending every Sunday
at the center practising the "Nine Obligatory Movements," and
keeping detailed field notes and conducting interviews (Palmer, 1976).
Further data was gathered by participating in the "Chronic"
workshop, directed by E.J. Gold in New York City in August, 1984, and
by joining local study circle workshops in 1985: a "Sacred Dance"
class and a "Mask of the Fool" workshop. Conversations with
students, ex-students, and fans of Mr. Gold, have also proved a useful
source of information.
The Charisma of E.J. Gold
Eugene Jeffrey Gold is an American Jew in his mid-fifties
who grew up in New York City. His father was Horace L. Gold, the late
founder/editor of Galaxy magazine, and the young Gold's imagination
and religious sensibilities were nourished by his father's involvement
in an esoteric spiritual group composed of science fiction writers, which
included Asimov, Heinlein, Philip Jose Farmer, L. Ron Hubbard, and Robert
Silverberg.(1) This group met every Sunday in a large
water storage tank in Manhattan that had been converted by one of the
writers into a self-regulating tropical forest—complete with plant,
insect and bird life and with waterfalls. Horace Gold brought his son
to these meetings which were a forum for philosophical speculations and
scientific extrapolations, where oriental meditation techniques and ESP
training were tried out. Gold left home to attend the Otis Art Institute
in Los Angeles where, in 1970, he helped create the original Earth Day.
Since the early 60s Gold has since been active in the West Coast Consciousness
movement and has directed many Gestalt therapy groups and spiritual training
workshops. He has made recordings of experimental music and, in recent
years, has dedicated himself to his vocation as an artist, sculptor and
painter.
The Hypnotic Effect
E.J. Gold is deceptively conventional in his appearance. He is well-fleshed,
middle aged, of middle height, but likes to wear scratchy woolen long-johns
(with stripes, thereby suggesting the outlaw or jailbird) and keeps his
head and eyebrows clean-shaven (the latter contributing to the bald intensity
of his gaze). Disciples have reported conflicting first impressions: "He
scared the shit out of me!"; "He was the greatest comedian I'd
ever seen"; "He had the kindest, wisest eyes." He might
be mistaken for a truck driver, a construction worker or possibly a Hell's
Angel. The stories of his conversion triumphs are testimonials to the
power of his native charisma, which (reputedly) needs no props or "transcendence
mechanisms" (Kanter, 1972). A flyer distributed in the Chronic
workshop in 1984 relates the tale of how Gold intercepted a stockbroker
rushing to work one morning, and simply asked, "Do you have the time?"
That stockbroker never reached his office, nor even glanced at his watch,
for he recognized the call to participate in the "Work," and
followed his master to California. Gold's former wife, Cybele, offers
a similar account of her first meeting with her future master while browsing
through a perfume stall in a "hippie" crafts market. She had
barely observed his disheveled appearance when he gazed into her eyes
and said, "Well, ready to work this time round?" Her immediate
reaction was, "Boy, am I ever!"(Autobiography of a Sufi,
1977).
Feuerstein (1991) describes the radical style of initiation into spiritual
values of "crazy-wise" adepts who seek to jolt their apprentices
out of their cognitive boundaries by using trickery, clowning, obscenity
or threats, and frequently employ the breaking of taboos associated with
drugs, sex, and nudity. A uniquely American and secularized version of
"holy madness" seems to surface among Orrin Klapp's five different
kind of American heroes. Klapp (1962) identifies the "Winner"
(or smooth operator), the "Splendid Performer" (which would
correspond to the "crazy wise" characteristics of Trickster
and Clown). Stone, in his study of Werner Erhard's image, adds the "Versatile
Entrepreneur" (one who is successful at a wide field of endeavor)
to Klapp's list of heroes. As the examples below demonstrate, Gold embodies
these characteristics of the American folk hero, as does Werner Erhard,
and other "exemplary prophets" (Weber, 1946) arising out of
the Human Potential Movement.
Trusting the Con Artist
 Stone (1982) notes the appeal of the American
mythic hero, the snake oil salesman, the brash and outrageous huckster
whose behavior assaults the norms of genteel respectability. The 1960s
witnessed a revival of interest in cynical heroes like the "con artist"
the "smoothie" and "sharpie," according to Orrin Klapp
(1964). Stone (1982) argues that contemporary Americans are inclined to
trust the con artist hero, once he has been identified as such, if only
because they can predict that his behavior will always be based on self
interest. Like Werner Erhard (Stone, 1982), Gold's "bad act"
has turned away some potential followers but it has intrigued others.
One Montreal core group leader claimed it was exactly this quality that
initially drew him to Gold:
A friend of mine was telling people he'd met a real teacher.
I decided to check it out. Then I got the whole truckload dumped on my
head. 'Interesting!' I thought. 'It's either true or else this guy al-Washi
has the most phenomenal way of dealing with people, or else he's the most
incredible con man going.' My initial reaction was either this is right
on and there is nothing else to do, or else I'm being totally conned,
and either way this is a good place to hang out because if I'm being conned
I want to find out how, so it won't happen again, and if not there is
nowhere else to be.
The theme of fakery and chicanery is rife in IDHHB literature. One poster,
for example, blatantly advertised "Fake Sufi Dancing/ Snake Fufi
Dancing." The Shakti Handbook (1974) features a photograph
of Gold and his wife posing in white robes and turbans at the entrance
to a Disneyland cardboard mosque. The cover of Autobiography of a Sufi
displays Gold sporting an obviously false wig and beard. In The Seven
Bodies of Man (1989) Gold tells us how he was engaged in a dinner
conversation with a wealthy dowager who was about to write out a generous
donation to the IDHHB. Gold, at that moment, impulsively bends forward,
leering and drooling into her plate, and begins spouting nonsense—causing
his would-be benefactor to close her bank book and retreat in disgust.
Paradoxically, this strategy is often successful as a "double bluff,"
attracting experienced seekers who have learned to be wary of the hustle
of "fake" or incompetent gurus on the North American spiritual
scene.
Gold plays the role of charlatan or quick-change artist in his public
appearances. When this researcher attended an IDHHB "sufi dance,"
Gold bounded into the room, clad only in a loose dhoti and a turban
decorated with a sequined dollar sign. When Gold visited the Montreal
Shakti center in August 1973, he appeared for his lecture in an orange
sari, his eyes ringed with kohl and spoke for several minutes on samadhi
with a thick Indian accent. Then he turned around, whipped off the sari,
wiped his face clean, and donned a fez and moustache. Suddenly he was
Mr. Gurdjiev, talking to the sophisticated Moscovites in his rustic Russian
accent. Next, he proceeded to mime a Kentucky farmer humping his mule
while declaring in a southern drawl that any activity could become
a path to spiritual awakening. He concluded this performance by asking
his audience what criteria they would use to distinguish between a "real"
and a "fake" master?
Gold, the Joker
Gold once described himself as "a master of the anticlimactic punch line."
A brilliant comic (his students claim he once worked professionally as
a stand-up comedian in Hollywood nightclubs) he will eloquently build
a suspenseful narrative only to conclude with a feeble, meaningless punch
line. The puzzled silence which ensues is explained as "equivalent
to a Zen koan." He maintains, however, that the purpose of his humour
is to administer shocks to "wake up the machine." When a woman
in the Chronic workshop complained, "I love your sense of
humour, but when are you going to tell us something useful?" he explosively
denounced her "ignorance" and reduced her to tears—but
then kindly explained that through telling jokes he could "convey
information more quickly."
At the "Chronic" workshop in 1984, Gold told us the tale of
how he went out and got his first job at fourteen. He walked into a large
New York City department store and asked to speak to the manager, who
assumed he was offering his services as a delivery boy. "I'm not
applying for a specific job," Gold said. "What I want is your
permission to hang around for three days and observe how this store operates.
Then, when I find a job that needs to be created I will apply for it."
Sure enough, the young Gold drew up a proposal for a high level managerial
post and the manager, impressed by his initiative, awarded it to him.
For "Chronic" participants, the moral of the tale was, "I'm
not offering you a job, I'm encouraging you to create your own."
Breaking Taboos: Gold's Idea of the Sufi "Way of Blame"
One of the most baffling features of Gold's leadership is his sudden,
shocking aberrations in behavior which are referred to as "turn offs"
and "gross outs" by his disciples. Gold's teaching method is
rationalized by core group leaders as a test of loyalty:
The sufi way of malamah... which means the real master offers the student
an excuse to leave, so he does something to destroy his own credentials,
so that only the serious, discerning student will remain....
Feuerstein offers an alternative explanation; that the "crazy wisdom" method of administering shocks is to awaken the disciples. Cybele Gold provides a striking example of this pedagogical method during her birthday party in the mid-sixties:
Mr. Gold smilingly and gracefully cut a piece of cake for me,
and suddenly smushed it in my face, inviting me afterward to do the same
to him.... Pretty soon everyone was laughing and throwing cake around
the room. 'Remember this is food and food is sacred!' he shouted.... I
said, 'Hey, I need to go and shower.' So I went upstairs and turned on
the water but before I could close the door or take off my clothes, Mr.
Gold and a few of the older students ran in and grabbed me.... There we
stood in our party clothes... in this very small shower stall with melted
wet cake running down our socks and over our toes (My Life with Mr.
Gold, Part III, by Cybele Gold).
A well-known spiritual therapist and colleague of Gold, Claudio Naranjo, describes a particularly outrageous terror tactic perpetrated by Gold on his unsuspecting followers:
Let me tell, as an instance, how after a certain night of snowing,
E.J. managed to convince everybody that they were not only snowed in,
but (through simulated radio news to the effect that the orientation of
the North Pole was rapidly changing) created a confusion to the effect
that a new glaciation age was upon us. After some time of illusionism
those present were convinced that they would never be able to get out
of the house and that the best they could do was to prepare for death
by lying down on the floor and listening to readings of the American Book
of the Dead. And so they did, for days, I was told (The Seven Bodies
of Man, by E.J. Gold, 1989).
A similar event occurred at the "Christmas party" held at the
Crestline California headquarters in 1973. Visitors arriving were greeted
by a "guard" dressed in Nazi uniform carrying a toy machine
gun who informed them that they were entering a Nazi concentration camp.
Several students balked at this prospect and turned back home, but the
300-odd members who remained spent three days living in a crowded room,
ate only lentils, peanut butter and water, were deprived of adequate sleep
and were issued passes to go to the outhouses, escorted by the "guards."
At the end of the third day, "Herr Commandant" Gold descended
the spiral staircase to the bottom landing with his fellow "officers"
(all wearing Nazi uniforms) and proceeded to perform a slapstick comedy
which "broke up" the prisoners—until Gold announced it
was their turn. Everyone had to stand up and entertain the company
for five minutes. Then one hundred single dollar bills came floating down
the staircase, and Gold announced it was time for a "beer bash,"
which reputedly turned into a "drunken orgy" (Palmer, 1976).
Paradoxically, Gold's students appear to derive a sense of security from
the surrendering to the insecurity of their relationship with Gold.
One woman who had lived in the Grass Valley community for five years commented:
Sometimes he will ask you to do something that is stupid, pointless
and then he will yell at you for being stupid enough to obey him. He'll
say, 'Don't listen to me! What the Hell makes you think that I know what
I'm doing!'
—Susan Palmer, Department of Religious Studies, Dawson College, Montreal,
Quebec.
Notes
(1)
Gold related this biographical account on the occasion of his visit to Montreal in August, 1973.
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E.J. GOLD PUBLISHED HIS SECRET TALKS with
Mr. G. in 1978. It was a blatant hoax, as was a film on the same subject
and another book. Gold explained in a recent interview in Gnosis
magazine, "I don't believe that prank hurt anybody. It was just intended
to prod some people into doing the right thing." The right thing
in Gold's estimation was to make Gurdjieff's Third Series of writings
public. But as anyone familiar with the subject knows, the Third Series
had been published three years before Gold's pseudepigraphic rip-off.
More to the point: Gold's interest was mercantile—as J. Walter Driscoll
the compiler of Gurdjieff: An Annotated Bibliography, pointed out
in a letter to Gnosis. "Gold's bogus Secret Talks was
used," he wrote, "to attract people into his groups and was
there proffered as authentic teaching material that superseded Gurdjieff's
writings. He followed this with a privately circulated second volume of
Secret Talks (1979) and an eighteen-volume series of Related
Workbooks (1980) that were distributed to his followers; some 'joke
prod.' Please exercise stricter and more responsible discrimination in
selecting interview candidates and verifying their claims." The Gnosis
editor quickly backed off saying he was "in no position to say how
Secret Talks was originally marketed, since I simply don't know....
As for Gold's authenticity as a teacher, I have no way of evaluating it."
That it is well-known that Gold never was in the Work, yet set himself
up as a self-appointed Fourth Way teacher (which he now denies) whose
antics are said to have hurt a great number of people is apparently of
no matter. What follows may give a basis for evaluation.